CHAPTER 1

PREVIEW

from

Our Captive Culture
and the Bio-Social Forces that Will Free Us

by
Bruce Stewart
Copyright ©2005 by John A. Stewart

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All cultures inculcate into their members certain beliefs and practices that include some that are sound and others that are contradictory and inconsistent with facts. Ours is no exception. This book examines and contrasts two different paradigms—the normative and the bio-social paradigms—that exist side by side in our culture and provide alternative approaches to understanding our social world. The normative paradigm concentrates on how the world should be, how humans should behave, and aims to guide social change by encouraging people to follow “higher” values and social ideals. The bio-social or scientific paradigm examines how the world operates, how humans behave, and the consequences of different personal choices and social policies. In the past humans applied the normative paradigm to both the natural world and to ourselves. Today, most of us accept the relevancy of the scientific paradigm to the natural world, but neglect much of its relevancy to our personal or social worlds. Instead, we cling to key elements of the normative paradigm and its approach to personal and social change

The first thesis of this book challenges this neglect of the bio-social paradigm and examines the social forces that keep the normative paradigm dominant for so many people. The second thesis suggests we are fast assembling information from which an alternative scientific paradigm of social progress can be constructed. This bio-social paradigm is built upon some discernable, simple bio-social laws and regularities. Its linkages of behavior to consequences can enable us to select more widely what actions will best meet personal and social needs. This alternative is still incomplete, but it is developed within the scientific perspective, so future improvements are possible and almost a certainty.

These preview pages will briefly outline these two alternative paradigms for understanding and changing human social behavior, then:

1)     Discuss the forces that keep the normative paradigm in place and those that prevent serious consideration of a bio-social alternative,

2)     examine how these two paradigms differ in their perspectives on the nature of humans, social progress, values, and freedom,

3)     illustrate how these two paradigms differ in their explanation of some key social changes,

4)     analyze the concept of freedom in bio-social terms, and

5)     note problems with the rising anti-science attitudes among some groups.

Although the author believes the bio-social paradigm more accurately reflects the reality behind social change processes, readers must ultimately test this belief with respect to their own experiences.

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Thomas Kuhn has suggested that intellectual or scientific paradigms have several related components, including models, exemplars, and assumptions. The key part is a “model” that provides the imagery and analogies used to understand the subject matter. In the normative paradigm of human behavior there are two key elements in its model:

1)     A belief in the effectiveness of appeals to moral standards or values as a way to change human behavior. These standards, which define “right” and “wrong” behavior, do not arise from within the individual. They come from some authority greater than the individual and are templates for judging the individual’s own inclinations or actions.

2)     A belief in “free will” —the ability of individuals to “escape” from any predispositions imposed by genetic makeup, prior experiences, and past socialization. In effect, the latter belief implies that humans are capable of making a decision that has no causal or deterministic connection to the past.

Kuhn suggests that every paradigm is typically learned via “exemplars,” which are concrete illustrations of the paradigm. For example, an exemplar for the normative paradigm is a religious sermon or religiously based exhortations to live the “proper” life. In this particular example, the normative standards come from religious text or authority, but other normative approaches exist. Some people might propose standards based upon humanistic philosophy and urge that we should live by these standards as a way to advance humankind. According to the normative paradigm, our personal value systems ultimately come from these sources.

The exemplars often convey tacit knowledge or assumptions that are also part of the paradigm. For example, a common assumption, especially in the religious version, of the normative paradigm is that humans are “naturally selfish,” which is held in check by moral instructions that distinguish between “right” and “wrong.”  These moral standards are often assumed to be fixed and permanent features of the best behavior for all humans. Another assumption is that social change is the result of changing individuals one at a time. This individualistic approach tends to ignore social structures and other behavior of aggregates of people.

 

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In contrast to the normative paradigm, which is widely shared and needs little exposition, the bio-social paradigm needs more discussion. It works from a model of human behavior that recognizes two main sources of behavior: internal forces encoded in our genome and external forces of the surrounding environment—variously acting in tandem to determine what we think and do.

Internal forces originate from our phylogenetic motives as a species, and to a lesser extent as individuals. These internal processes are of several kinds, some strictly autonomous nerve functions, such as breathing, hunger, thirst, and avoidance of pain. Others are more complex functions of the nervous system, such as sex, social interaction, sense of self or ego, and rational activity. All will be examined more fully in later chapters. One may seek satisfaction of these internal forces in innumerable ways, some constructive and heuristic, others destructive and ultimately unworkable. There is often a conflict between these internal motives. For example, uncontrolled sex impulse may endanger sociality, the self, or rationality. Extreme hunger has been found to reduce social standards as well as reasoning power. Exaggerated ego may do the same.

External forces such as our upbringing or other environmental experiences condition us in both positive and negative ways. They may be so strong that we are almost “imprinted” from early years with local beliefs and behavior patterns. Sharing them may provide social and mental security—one way to satisfy these needs. The brain considers these cultural stimuli, both positive and negative ones, as it selects, consciously and unconsciously, the actions that seem to best fulfill our internal drives. This determination rests on the brain’s ability to forge links between actions and consequences. The links are forged from personal experiences and observations. They are continually tested against anticipated consequences and kept or discarded on the basis of how well these links serve these basic needs. This internal process lies at the heart of our “value system” according to the bio-social model. In other words, we might label as “natural values” the actions humans actually take in their efforts to satisfy various constellations of their bio-social needs in their daily lives. These values come largely from within us and are not based upon those imposed by outside authorities. They vary by individuals, situations, and time as experience provides feedback about the effects of various choices and actions.

Although these comments might suggest that humans are basically selfish, the bio-social model recognizes that humans have a variable sense of “self” that can include others with whom we identify, such as close kin, loved ones, and even non-kin members of our social groups. Much of humanity’s social “progress” can be attributed to our ability to consider the long-term consequences for our expanding sense of self.

It must be emphasized that the determinism in the bio-social paradigm does not reduce people to mechanical robots responding to external stimuli. Our brains are the active decision-makers, even if it is an unconscious process. But we are not completely free to make any choice because the brain’s actions are dependent on past experiences, observations, and anticipated outcomes. If the links based on past choices and their outcomes are erroneous, then decisions based on these links may be ineffective or even destructive. It follows that action choices will be changed when rational ability or information changes or we encounter new experiences that affect our ability to identify and empathize with others. Social progress will be more rapid as we develop more accurate links and broaden our consideration of future consequences.

In the coming pages concrete social issues will be examined from each paradigm’s point of view. This unique analysis will show that the bio-social paradigm is more effective at explaining historical events and why the normative paradigm is ineffective at this explanation. In some cases the bio-social paradigm will be used to suggest possible future developments.

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It is necessary to recognize that every individual has some personal preconceptions dear to the heart; therefore any alternatives are distressing in themselves and difficult to entertain, especially if broad paradigm views are  being questioned. The normative thread runs through beloved books, creates the heroes and villains that populate our history, and offers comfort that someday unselfishness will overcome selfishness and the world will be both just and loving. It so permeates every aspect of our lives and is so widely applied to problems without being challenged that its pertinence seems axiomatic.

In an unpredictable and dangerous world any belief that offers certainty and ultimate knowledge has a strong appeal. Since science cannot offer this, many people, in order to sustain their own inner security, turn to subjectivisms which are comforting, but not confirmable: the direct word from God or from Gurus who tap the ultimate or many of the "New Age" doctrines. The Canadian psychologist Alcock has described this "Engine of Belief" in The Skeptical Inquirer. Similarly, Eric Hoffer characterized the intellectual delight of The True Believer: "To be in possession of absolute truth is to have a net of familiarity spread over the whole of eternity...no surprises, no unknowns.”

Earlier still, Sigmund Freud addressed the religious aspect of this phenomenon in his book The Future of an Illusion. He addressed the comfort provided by a just and loving God and concluded that these (beliefs) "are not precipitates of experience or end results of thinking. They are illusions, fulfillments of the oldest, strongest and most urgent wishes of mankind.” Although Freud identified this process about 80 years ago, it is still current. Gallup surveys show broad acceptance of religious beliefs. For example, a 1995 survey found that about 3/4 of the people believed in miracles and angels. Such true believers are dominated by a distorted form of the basic need for rational comprehension of the surrounding world. Unfortunately, confidence that one has the correct and final answer fixates the belief so it is neither modifiable, nor subject to change and growth. The ego or self can easily become imprinted on this position.

The normative paradigm also seems to facilitate a common desire to play an active role in making the world a better place. This paradigm’s emphasis on the transformative power of adopting new moral values, the ability of individuals to escape from all their previous conditioning, and an individualistic focus on the nature of social change would suggest that we can improve the world one individual at a time. Thus individuals can make small, but significant, social changes, which grow in their effects as more people join the effort. Any failures are due to inadequate efforts of targeted individuals to adopt the “higher” values by exercising their free will. Unfortunately, this approach tends to ignore the power of prior conditioning and the interconnectedness and strength of social structures.

We have used concepts from the bio-social paradigm to explain why so many are captured by or loyal to the normative paradigm. Such bound-behavior is just one manifestation of the bio-social processes which underlie all human action. While captivity by the normative paradigm makes it difficult to consider other paradigms, it would be an error to label either the paradigm or the captivity to it as “bad” and needing to be changed for that reason. In an analogous fashion, during the transition from horse-drawn buggies to automobiles, people did not abandon the buggy in favor of the automobile because one was “good” and the other was “bad” in some generic sense; automobiles replaced buggies because they were more effective at satisfying basic bio-social needs. In the same way the normative paradigm will be replaced by the bio-social paradigm as it develops further and is seen as a more effective approach toward social change. Normative tools for effecting desired changes do not address the forces that actually effect our actions. The next two sections suggest some processes that will produce this change.

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There are many developments that will eventually undermine the normative paradigm. Four will be briefly mentioned here and expanded later.

1)     One of the commonest assumptions is that normative thought is the most helpful in producing constructive changes in behavior because people are urged to seek superior moral ideas and values. The bio-social paradigm moves this idea from an assumption to an empirical question and asks “when is this approach effective at social change?”  Unfortunately, as many psychologists now recognize, this approach can prove trouble-making because it may produce blame, guilt, fault-finding and condemnation. Such moralistic efforts are often counterproductive because they attack or threaten the self or ego—a basic human drive in the bio-social paradigm. A natural reaction is to defend the self, which diverts our attention away from seriously weighing all proposed approaches.

2)     The growing recognition of the extent of our genetic determinism and the doubt it casts on our ability to exercise “free will” strikes at the very heart of the normative paradigm.

3)     The frequently noted gap between our moral “talk” and our “walk” casts doubt on the power of moral persuasion. The bio-social paradigm can explain this phenomenon.

4)     It is increasingly possible to use the bio-social paradigm to explain and even influence behavior. An illustration of this may be helpful here.

One of the most significant errors in comparing these paradigms is to think of bio-social forces as keeping us captive, i.e. producing static conditions, or as having only negative effects. However, they also can be a positive influence—compelling us to proceed in a more constructive and successful way, even when we may not recognize this or be favorably disposed to adjust. An example, which is elaborated later, is the nuclear arms race between the U.S. and the USSR after World War II. In the beginning both countries thought they could win or at least not lose the race. The race did end, but not because of moral principles invoked and implemented by willpower, although there were numerous appeals to many different moral ideals. We were compelled to change because we finally recognized that (1) mutual destruction was inescapable,- after long resistance to this thought, and (2) the economic cost was too large, even as it brought about the collapse of the USSR.

Reality put an end to the contest, not normative appeals to abstract values. It was not rational anticipation and modification, but a matter of “doing it the hard way”, being dragged into the future vigorously resisting. Bio-social forces produced positive change in this case, which increased opportunities for greater satisfaction of human needs. Had these forces and consequences been clearly understood earlier, we might have avoided the arms race with its tremendous waste of resources and lingering threats to human survival.

The constructive approach, which most effectively directs us toward needed change, is clear identification of which actions have had or probably will have negative consequences in the long run. Science is usually the best source for such information, if it is requested. In this instance the “nuclear winter” warnings of scientists had little effect because the bio-social approach was not influential among the general public or key leaders.

Of course, this uses hindsight to see what was less obvious then, which raises another misconception, held by almost no informed person: that science offers, or can offer final truths or conclusions that are 100% dependable. In reality science only deals in closer approximations and higher probabilities, made possible by repeatedly testing its laws and theories against the empirical evidence, and by consistent reasoning—processes that are not exclusively experimental. Hindsight can aid this process and suggest new links not previously recognized. There are those who believe that since science cannot produce certainty, then "everything is relative," so other beliefs become equally valid. This fallacious argument will be addressed later.

There are times when alternative paradigms will explain the same events differently. Sometimes normative appeals to new values seem effective in changing behavior. Such incidents need to be examined carefully. The normative paradigm introduces values derived from outside the individual, while the bio-social paradigm identifies natural values” by what individuals experience as fulfilling. There can be an overlap of the values taught and one’s own experience. This may not be obvious to an observer. When a new paradigm is in the offering, the test is whether it can explain both what the old can explain and what it has difficulty explaining. For example, community leaders or one’s friends may suggest that we ought to behave differently on the basis of specific values and we change our behavior. This apparent evidence for the effectiveness of moral appeals can also be explained by the bio-social desires for social status in the community or among one’s friends. Status serves the ego, which is a basic human need.

If we practice the value in one place, but not in another, or fail to “walk our talk” altogether, this too has to be explained and the alternative explanations checked for inconsistencies. A major portion of this book will examine many incidents where we fail to “walk our talk” and offer possible explanations for this common occurrence.

Recognizing the ramifications of a new and challenging paradigm is not instantaneous. Many authors have previously discussed these contrasting paradigms, but have failed to fully apply the implications of the bio-social paradigm. For example, many authors, who express support of the bio-social paradigm, end their contrasts of these two paradigms with the suggestion that we “ought” to adopt the bio-social paradigm as our guide to the analysis of social change. That is, they find the normative paradigm as inappropriate, but then use it to advocate change to the better paradigm.

This book does not advocate a change to the bio-social paradigm but attempts to clarify the working principles of that paradigm so the two paradigms can be accurately compared. To the degree that the bio-social paradigm accurately identifies the bio-social forces shaping our behavior, it can be an effective tool for future changes. Its relevancy does not depend on either acceptance or advocacy - any more than the relevance of gravity depends on whether we accept it. Our acceptance can speed the process of working with nature in ways that serve us. Although the author recognizes his task is to question, inform, present—not to prescribe—it is his hope that the experience of reading and pondering these pages will encourage the reader to step outside the normative paradigm, at least for a moment, and view social problems and progress through this different paradigm.

At best this is a difficult task. Each paradigm has its implications and ramifications that need close attention. Such complications make it easy to dismiss evidence that is inconsistent with a chosen paradigm, but the shift to a new paradigm will occur if the established approach fails to coincide with reality, its application creates sustained failure and adverse consequences, and awareness of an alternative paradigm spreads.

Kuhn identified a similar process even in science itself as a discipline endures a period of “crisis” in the shift from one old paradigm to a new one. Established authorities representing what he called "normal science" in the old paradigm produce much of that resistance. Kuhn concludes that strong and persistent stimuli are required for alteration. Those scientists who lead in this transition may feel that by strong advocacy and partisanship they can "convert" the resisters, but Kuhn correctly states that the change "cannot be forced". Each theory or paradigm must stand on its own as members of the scientific community assess it.

Kuhn acknowledged that factors other than reason and evidence play a role in the origin and acceptance of paradigms or theories. He noted "the importance of subjective and aesthetic considerations” and that the process is “intrinsically sociological.” This suggests that scientific knowledge is more trustworthy than other knowledge systems for several reasons: (1) it is produced by a group of specially trained and motivated individuals, who emphasize the development of and reasoning from empirical evidence, (2) this training includes shared standards of reasoning and evaluation of research results that are both logical and aesthetic, (3) these individuals work within a “community” that uses peer review for the distribution of rewards and esteem (e.g., grants, publications, and promotions are based upon peer evaluation by other members of the community), and (4) this internal peer review helps isolate the scientific community from political, religious, and economic forces in the larger society. Some common misunderstandings about the nature of science are among the reasons that people will resist the bio-social paradigm. 

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Many readers may have reservations about the wisdom or the relevance of science and the scientific method to the resolution of social issues. The challenge of established beliefs and the intrusion of science—here the bio-social analysis—are usually resisted. John Dewey recognized this in the following words:  "Science is not welcomed, but rather opposed when it ‘invades’ the field now pre-empted by religion, morals and political and economic institutions.” Recognition of this cultural captivity is resisted, but it is well to remember that over the last 100 years the most productive solutions to our medical problems have come from employing the methods of science. This book’s thesis is that the most productive solutions to social problems will be found by the same process.

Much of the resistance to this thesis is based upon misconceptions of science; misconceptions that spawn a variety of fears. Those readers, who hold science responsible for the misuse of technology, may feel technology and science must be guided by moral values. Others may believe science can say nothing relevant to the direction of societal development and fear a void in direction if moral guidance is discarded. Others may believe that science is only relevant to the physical world and view the bio-social paradigm as  “bad science” intruding where “good science” would not go. They fear conflicting approaches. They mistrust anything that questions assumption so widely accepted and cherished. However, challenging assumptions that may be false will be beneficial in the long run for both individuals and society.

As we clarify the concept of science and explore the bio-social approach, many of these fears and misconceptions will fall away. Science is an effort to understand (not change) the forces at work in our universe. Science never controls those forces. It may discern the outcome of different combinations of those natural forces, but it cannot change that outcome, except by adding a new component from among the natural forces. Individuals or groups who set technological goals are acting outside the realm of science, but may employ what science can tell them about how things work. Science’s role in these decisions is to supply knowledge pertinent to the selected goals.

Jacob Bronowski’s definition of science states this succinctly: “I define science as the organization of our knowledge in such a way that it commands more of the hidden potential in nature.” Later he writes: ”Man masters nature not by force but by understanding… We cannot even bully nature by any insistence that our work shall be designed to give power over her. We must be content that power is the by-product of understanding.”

Behavioral science is only concerned with the objective causes of our actions. The bio-social paradigm introduced in these pages is an attempt to identify the biological, social, and environmental forces shaping our decisions and actions. It drops the concept of free-will, it questions the belief that we solve social problems by teaching moral values that will make humans more loving and more concerned for others, and it challenges the assumption that without such instruction humans will remain dangerously self-centered.

Instead the bio-social paradigm explains past success in terms of human’s genetic nature, which includes the ability to draw causal relationships between actions and consequences, plus an ability to modify these when anticipated consequences of an action do not occur. Our drives to avoid pain and to survive in general are natural forces behind all actions and values, but humans are not just self-centered. Instead they are genetically wired to develop a variable sense of the self-to-be-protected, which can include others besides close kin. This sense of the self expands or contracts because of experiences not because one is told to do so.

 When clearly understood, this is a revolutionary concept that challenges the .heart of our most cherished beliefs. It challenges the tools we presently employ when we wish to change hearts and minds. It has the audacity to argue that we cannot remove humans’ self-centeredness, but when we fully understand the natural human capacity to identify with and care for others, we can design more effective solutions to social problems. Within this new perspective we will find that some old concepts, such as captivity and freedom, have new meanings and implications.

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The previous discussion has compared elements of both paradigms of human behavior, but not in a systematic manner. To give a more systematic set of contrasts, the editors have elaborated and included a table that systematically contrasts the two paradigms under central issues of human behavior. (It is based upon a table that Bruce had started.) Each contrast gives a brief summary of the positions of the normative/free-will paradigm (NP) and the bio-social paradigm (BSP). Later chapters will develop these contrasts in greater detail.

WHAT IS THE BASIC ESSENCE OF “HUMAN” BEHAVIOR? WHAT DISTINGUISHES US FROM OTHER ANIMALS?

NP: At the “highest” level humans are capable of exercising free will that is able to supersede temptations and escape the causality of the “laws” of behavioral science. We are moral animals.

BSP: Human behavior is always the result of bio-social forces acting on and within us—comprehensible to an increasing degree, but never perfectly. What might appear to be an act of “free will” only reflects a void in this imperfect knowledge. What sets us apart from the lower animals is our greater ability to communicate, consciously weigh our choices in terms of long term need satisfaction, and reason from our experiences. We differ from lower animals because of our greater capabilities in these areas, not because we are moral, but because a combination of these forces make us weight the fate of many others beside ourselves and our nearest kin. 

WHAT ARE HUMAN VALUES?   HOW DO THEY DEVELOP?

NP:Our values are guideposts to moral behavior. They supersede empirical-logical treatment and are what a person or group (with the help of authorities) judges to be worthwhile and morally sound. The best moral values are universal and fundamental guides for human choices.

BSP: Our “natural values” are what humans perceive as fulfilling to their constellation of basic drives and bio-social requirements as a species. They may differ from individual to individual, be affected by personal and unusual circumstances, and change in response to new experiences. They are the guidelines individuals or groups formulate from their own experiences and evolve over time. They may coincide with normative paradigm values, but that coincidence does not create their validity for the individual or group.

WHAT GUIDES OUR SELECTION OF SOCIAL ACTIONS?

NP: While humans share basic drives similar to other animals, they also are motivated by moral/ethical appeals to exercise free-will choices. This ability to act toward what we “ought” to do separates humans from other animals and we look to moral leaders for guidance in selecting the best moral values.

BSP: The most effective guidance is provided by accurately foreseeing the consequences (either aversive or rewarding) of possible acts. Because of our superior mental ability and use of language, we are able to anticipate consequences better than lower animals, but not as well as we like to think. We always select the action deemed most protective to ourselves and those whom we wish to protect, even though moral values condemn such selfishness. When there is conflict between these sets of values, we do not “walk our talk.”

HOW CAN WE DETERMINE DESIRABLE UNIVERSAL VALUES?

NP: Despite current conflicts between the moral ideals and values of different cultures, there are eternal principles of human behavior to be found in the best ethical-religious teachings. These are always right and dependable.

BSP: The natural values on which we all act are those we deem necessary to our needs, including our survival. Cross-cultural imposition of values and moral ideals typically involve coercion with attendant social costs. Scientific consensus on social causes and consequences is pertinent to everyone and is unforced; even though it is never final or perfect and always subject to modification and replacement in the self-correcting manner of science. Since the basic bio-social needs exist in all societies, a setting that increases cross-cultural communication and a recognition that we share basic human needs can move us toward similar values.  This is a slow process that can’t  be forced but its development aids the resolution of conflict. Resolution of conflict is always easier if moral judgments are absent.

WHAT ARE THE ROLES OF LOGIC AND EMOTION IN HUMAN BEHAVIOR?

NP: Logic can be an effective tool, but it must be subordinated to human moral/ethical values and the will to love and serve others. The emotions of love and concern are more likely than pure logic to lead to workable solutions of social ills. Moral instruction speeds this process because humans are naturally self-centered.

BSP: Logic is seldom used effectively, but it is an essential tool for identifying the causal relationships in the bio-social paradigm. Social progress depends upon correctly identifying these relationships. Emotions exist and play a role in all behavior and help us identify our primary needs and whom we naturally include in our significant others, but are less certain guides to assessing causal relationships than logic. However, just urging people to be more logical is ineffective—as most normative commands are—and it may even promote illogical behavior that seems “logical” to the actor. Logical analysis has its best chances within communities, such as science, where outside social pressures toward certain conclusions are minimized and where polarizing moral judgments are not present.

WHAT PROCESSES HAVE CAUSED OUR SOCIAL PROGRESS?

NP: Human’s natural selfishness must be overcome. Egocentric, self-centered, dangerous behavior can be lessened if leaders advocate policies and practices supporting desirable ethical/moral values. Praise for “good” behavior and condemnation of “bad” behavior have been necessary for human growth, social change, and avoidance of personal or social evils. Our ability to act upon what we “ought” to do separates humans from other animals. Our problems are simple enough that good intentions with dedication to democracy and moral values can facilitate solutions to social problems. Systematic, objective analyses of society by “value-neutral” scientists are insufficient for human progress because they cannot provide the moral leadership that assures human progress. You cannot get from an “is” to an “ought.”

BSP: Self-centeredness and self-preservation are natural elements of human nature. Self-fulfillment is a basic drive for everyone. Efforts at suppression are futile. However, throughout history our concept of the self-to-be-preserved has been expanding to include larger groups of others, but not because of moral exhortations to do so. Humans’ natural sense of empathy can expand to more people as technological progress permits more contacts and reduces the competition for essential goods. In addition, strict self-interested behavior has social costs that curtail it. Progress also occurs as humans gain greater success in properly linking causes to the consequences for their bio-social needs. Science can best provide us with accurate knowledge of long-range consequences. The bio-social forces that slowly push us toward workable solutions include awareness of our needs and the needs of others, the presence of empathy for those with whom we identify, and a sense of our interdependence. If we misjudge what is workable, ensuing conflicts or other punishing social consequences will force new approaches. Partisanship and advocacy for moral standards are superfluous and often divisive. Values taught by others are observed only when they make sense to the individual within the context of their own experience. “Oughts” are ineffective when they are not supported or confirmed by personal experiences and judgment.  If they are so confirmed, they are unnecessary.

HOW CAN FAILURE TO PRODUCE DESIRED SOCIAL CHANGES BE EXPLAINED?

NP: It is difficult to counteract a society that accepts and even encourages self-indulgence, ignores moral instruction, and dulls our moral conscience. In such a setting, man’s undesirable natural selfishness flourishes. Although it might be tempting to give up on those who lack the will power to follow higher values and resist these self-indulging social pressures, it is morally better for us to renew our efforts to encourage such people to follow the higher values.

BSN: We do not understand adequately the bio-social forces operating in the situation. Important aspects of this failed understanding might include (a) inadequate understanding of the bio-social forces operating in the situation itself, (b) not distributing accurate knowledge widely enough to effect key decision makers, (c) not understanding how others will integrate this knowledge, or, when relevant, (d) the lack of shared experiences that create an extension of empathy to relevant others. Even when the best knowledge of bio-social processes is used, predictions and results may be inconsistent and non-rewarding. The response should be new analyses of the bio-social processes and problems by scientific means, which requires empirical and theoretical analysis by the scientific community. To the extent that the analyses of the problems are done by politicians, religious leaders, or others with vested interests in the conclusions, the conclusions will be less constructive in the long-run than those produced by the scientific community. Finding blame, punishing others (for non-criminal conduct), condemning opposing views, pressing a normative approach, or turning to other non-scientific approaches will only compound the problems.  

Troubling Confusions About the Role and Goals of Scientists
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Some critics may misread the bio-social paradigm as implying a danger they refer to as “scientism:” the fear of science taking over all human thought, illegitimately moving into areas where it cannot perform and exceeding its mandate and therefore its relevance. Fuller and McMurrin describe the scientism of the early sociologist August Comte and his followers, who believed in a quasi-religion of science, complete with a new God—humanity—and some formalities to accompany it, which were appropriately referred to as “positivism.” However, few people today are captives of scientism. Most scientists appreciate the legitimate limitations identified and represented here. They almost never anticipate final answers on any subject, only the most fruitful and testable working hypotheses and theories that are possible at the time. The public may be dissatisfied with this prospect and demand something more fulfilling to their sense of security, but they can be helped toward this approach without scientists specifying final goals or values. (How this might develop is described in Chapter 8 of my previous book, A Science of Social Issues.)

There is another factor that has made inquiry and change difficult in this area. We live in an age of specialization. There are now hundreds of disciplines, and many thousands of authorities in different specialities. With increasing specialization there was a decline in exploring and testing general concepts because they were not subject to controlled experimentation or mathematical formalizations, so they could not be tested and confirmed in this manner. The benefits of specialized knowledge and technique are surely unexceptionable, but it is fallacious to think that there is no benefit to general concepts because they cannot be confirmed experimentally. For example, Darwin’s general theory of evolution was accepted without the use of mathematical or experimental evidence because it provided a general theory that explained and organized previously “unrelated” observations.

Even though few scientists explicitly study very general theories about human behavior, everyone consciously or unconsciously accepts and is guided by some general principles regarding the interpretation of mass behavior. Rote or unconscious acceptance of such principles may conceal the need for revision.

Keynes made a mordant commentary on this:  "Practical men who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any ‘intellectual' influences are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.”  We regularly try to protect established theories, and one of the commonest methods is by demanding more intricate evidence from theories we oppose. In the social issues considered in this book, present shortcomings in the public’s understanding are not the result of an insufficiency of detailed and specialized information. The chief obstacle will be that it is difficult to confront or adapt to the implications of generally recognized principles or even facts when these conflict with cherished beliefs.

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Although the arms race was used to illustrate the bio-social paradigm earlier, a few other illustrations will help the reader understand how the normative and bio-social models differ in their ability to explain the directions of previous social changes. Each of these topics will be considered in more detail in later chapters after Chapter 2 provides a more complete discussion of the bio-social paradigm.

The nation currently rates crime and violence high on the scale of its social concerns. The public's answer to criminals is to "lock ‘em up”, build more prisons (already overflowing with minor drug violators), employ more police, and give tougher sentences--rigidly enforced. This ministers to the public’s demand for retribution and getting the problem immediately out of sight. It does little about the real causes of crime and violence, and in some cases may increase these. We are in subjection to our desire for a "quick fix" and simplistic answers. Moral pronouncements have been contradictory and ineffective.

The causes of crime are difficult and expensive to change; they cannot be immediately transformed, because they are a product of continued, inadequate and defective socialization, which is in turn an outcome of a social climate that directs personal and family attention elsewhere. For example, many people are bound by a struggle to keep afloat in a world that threatens loss of employment or marginal incomes and gives little time for preparing offspring. Even for the more fortunate, there is captivity to the me-ism and monetarism of our culture: make money for status or pleasure, even at the expense of socializing offspring adequately—a demanding and time consuming process. Such causes of crime are not something we prefer to address because the major antecedents lie within our shortsightedness and ourselves. Therefore, any “improvements” in crime with current policies will be temporary. Really significant improvement will occur slowly as new experiences and increasing social costs force us to reevaluate the problem within the bio-social paradigm.

We may consider the relatively recent case of Vietnam. Gallup's sequential polls recorded the changing public beliefs on this subject. In 1964, amongst those expressing an opinion about this conflict, three times as many favored fighting over negotiation or withdrawal. By 1966 there was almost an even split and in 1969 those favoring escalation/continuation of present policies dropped to 20%. Asked in 1971 if Vietnam was a mistake, 61% said Yes (vs. 28% No). Over 20 years later (1993) the same question got a 68-24% response. When asked in that same year if Vietnam was a "just" war, 71% replied in the negative. Such data support the conclusion that the public mind was at first captivated by nationalistic and military considerations as the answer to international problems of this kind. There was no questioning or inquiry into the preparatory Tonkin Gulf affair, a manufactured incident. Then within a few years people began to realize that they were not going to be able to do what Ronald Reagan predicted: “Pave the country over and be out by Christmas”. It was painful to admit that the sacrifice of our men was nonproductive, and that our military power was not always all-prevailing. The disparagement and ill treatment of returning veterans (for answering the call of their country's leaders) was an offense to elementary reason. The prevalence of psychic stress and dysfunctional behavior among these veterans could have been predicted from the bio-social paradigm and illustrates how the quilt and shame associated with the normative approach can have negative consequences.

Normativists might argue that Americans were negatively reacting to the war because it violated our values against killing others, especially the innocent civilians shown in newscasts on TV. So it might seem that values against killing others were an effective stimulus for change, once people became aware of the facts. Simple bio-social processes provide alternative explanations, such as our basic capacity for empathy and the rising costs as more soldiers were lost for a dubious goal and without victory. Most Americans were initially entrapped in the conflict by their preconceptions and ignorance. More informed observers had recognized the conflict was neither "just" nor wise from the beginning, as we shall see. It required repeated failures to change the perceptions of the leadership and public, not increased normative appeals to follow “higher” values.

{From the editors: Bruce died before the Iraq war was a topic of public concern.  We think he would have had many insightful comments about it, even with the limited information currently available. If the discussion board shows sufficient interest, we would be willing to try to outline what we think he might have said about this war.}

Another historical change compelled by bio-social forces, without our recognition and prompt adaptation, was the end of slavery in America. The Civil War put an end to it, at least formally, but beneath the political surface, slavery was becoming an unrewarding practice, as brought about by the growth of technology. Max Weber observed that slavery would have disappeared without the Civil War. Why?  He concluded, “The special features of slaveholding made for the impossibility of the modern factory.”  A social practice which was rewarding under one set of circumstances was losing its function under a new set. A crisis was required to generate the transition.

Another (northern) motivation for the conflict was political—the threats to the union, including the possibility of secession. Pro and con religious arguments on slavery were equally strong. The Nobelist, Weinberg (at an AAAS conference) reviewed the history of antislavery and concluded, “It is certainly true that the campaign against slavery was greatly strengthened by devout Christians (but) as far as I can tell the moral tone of religion benefited more from the spirit of the times than the spirit of the times benefited from religion. Where religion did make a difference it was more in support of slavery than in opposition to it. With or without religion good people can behave well and bad people can do evil, but for good people to do evil, that takes religion.”

Subsequent chapters will expand these examples and add others to show how many of our current problems are premised upon two key elements of the normative paradigm: (a) human behavior is changed most effectively through moral appeals to seek certain values and ideals, and (b) humans have willpower that can overcome most, if not all, forms of prior personal and cultural conditioning. From the perspective of the bio-social paradigm these are “myths” that mutually support each other and provide a satisfying, but false sense of freedom of thought and action, which actually causes poor analyses and solutions to pressing problems, if not additional problems. Furthermore, these myths cause us to misunderstand and even resist any bio-social interpretation because we are personally committed to normative models of “what ought to be done” or “what ought to be.”

Social Change, Freedom, and “Constructive Autonomy”
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As the previous examples illustrate, large-scale social change is seldom the product of anticipated and intelligent pre-adaptation, but is compelled by interactions between external circumstances and our internal drives. Individuals can create a harmonious integration of these forces more readily than groups or nations, but it is difficult in either case. It has been argued here that moral ideals and values played a minimal role in these changes, even delaying resolution of problems. The bio-social paradigm suggests that continued use of the normative paradigm will cause ineffective choices and aversive consequences until we develop new concepts more consistent with the facts of our behavior. Continued captivity or loyalty to the normative paradigm can hinder the rise of a more scientific, accurate analysis of the forces shaping our decisions, but the transition will eventually occur.

America's prominent historian of science, George Sarton, perceived the long term, large scale growth of dependable knowledge in these words:  "The resistance to scientific novelties was due to an intuitive if unconscious appreciation of their revolutionary nature. The slightest and most innocent scientific innovation is but a wedge that is bound to penetrate deeper and deeper and the advance of which will soon be impossible to resist. Conservative people are undoubtedly right in their distrust and hatred of science, for the scientific spirit is the very spirit of innovation and adventure into the unknown, and such is its aggressive strength that its revolutionary activity can neither be restrained nor restricted within its own field.”

Sarton failed to appreciate that "liberals" or humanists may also resist with vigor. They also tend to believe that we must be guided by how we ought to behave; that each person has a great deal of freedom in what he/she chooses to think and do, which is the source of all our progress and change for the “better.”

This response is to be expected, but ultimately the result of the "revolutionary" activity of science has proved to be more workable and rewarding. The "dissatisfied" may insist on some alternative which they feel provides them with a greater sense of security, but Freud ended his book with the following conclusion:  "Our science is no illusion, but an illusion it would be to suppose that what science cannot give us, we could get elsewhere.”

When the bio-social forces that caused our social and political errors, such as our policy in Vietnam, are pointed out, the common normative response is: “We are free to do better!  We can escape these causes because we are not automatons.”  This response reflects a basic misunderstanding of the bio-social paradigm. This paradigm recognizes our ability to make changes but does not rest that ability on the presence of free will. We are “free” to improve to the extent that we are able to recognize and surpass the previous conditioning (the forces actin